From:
http://www.justice.gov.uk/news/sp160908a.htm16 September 2008
International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Jack Straw has given a speech on relations between Pakistan and the UK at the International Islamic University in Islamabad during his official visit to Pakistan. [Check against delivery: this is the prepared text of the speech, and may differ from the delivered version.]
The Right Honourable Jack Straw MP, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice:
Introduction
Good afternoon.
I am honoured to be here at the International Islamic University as a long standing friend of Pakistan. I bring with me the greetings and good wishes of Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and Foreign Secretary David Miliband.
And Ramadan Kareem to you all. I know the importance of the Holy Month of Ramadan, a time of prayer, of reflection, of empathy - for Muslims from around the world whether in Lahore or Liverpool. Islam, after Christianity, is the second largest, and the fastest growing faith community in the United Kingdom.
And I am looking forward greatly to celebrating Iftaar with you here this evening, as I will with friends in Blackburn on Friday, as I did in Delhi on Sunday.
Just less than forty years ago, in the heady days of the late 1960s, I was President of the National Union of Students in the United Kingdom.
I remember the indomitable sense of possibility and of passion felt by students then.
I remember the excitement of having our lives ahead of us, and the future in our hands.
I can only hope that those of you here this afternoon feel something similar. For you are Pakistan's future, you are the leaders of tomorrow, and you are at a hugely significant point in your nation's history.
What I would like to discuss today is the opportunity that now presents itself to your generation, and how democracy and the rule of law can help lay the foundations for a peaceful and prosperous Pakistan as they have for nations around the globe.
The Iqbal Institute, which has so graciously hosted this event, was founded to foster dialogue and further understanding between different nations and cultures. And it is in this spirit that I share some of the United Kingdom's experiences, not to hector but to highlight some of the lessons - sometimes painful lessons - from our own past.
My first visit to Pakistan was back in 1992. That included a memorable trip to Muzaffarabad, more recently the scene of such tragic devastation in the 2005 earthquake.
Since then I have visited your country on many occasions, and did so frequently during my five years as British Foreign Secretary.
In any event, Pakistan is seldom out of my thoughts, and never out of my heart. It cannot be, not when I represent 16,000 British Pakistanis in my own constituency in Blackburn, with roots which run deeply throughout this country, but especially in the Mirpur area and the Pakistani Punjab.
When I was last here the region was wracked with tensions which threatened to overspill into something with far more alarming consequences.
And it was just 10 months ago that Pakistan was under emergency rule, elections had been postponed, the rule of law had been supplanted by emergency law.
Benazir Bhutto
And on December 27th came the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, a tragedy as deeply shocking to me as it was to so many millions here in Pakistan and around the world.
I had the honour of knowing Benazir, and of considering her a friend. I last saw her in mid-October last year - shortly before her return to this country. She was a very brave and courageous woman.
In spite of the upheaval and trauma of the past few months and the current difficulties, I can sense - even from my short time here - a real appetite and desire for change. I hear about it often at home, but I can almost touch it here.
Do not lose sight of that, nor allow such optimism to slip into cynicism.
It is because these latest green shoots of democracy which sprouted on Election Day, 18th February 2008 represent the triumph of unity over division that there are those who seek to undermine it.
So I say to you, let the elections which followed the murder of Benazir Bhutto stand as a symbol of hope.
Benazir did not just leave behind her a grieving nation. She left behind a legacy, and the dream of a peaceful and democratic Pakistan. In the words of the poet Ahmed Faraz, who himself passed away here in Islamabad just a fortnight ago:
'Dreams do not die.
Dreams are light, life, wind,
Which can not be stopped by mountains black,
Which do not burn in the hells of cruelty,
Like light and life and wind, they
Do not bow down even in graveyards.'
Remember the determination of the Pakistani people: that terrorism will not succeed; that the dream of democracy will not be bowed, but made real.
Transition to democracy
For the story is the same around the world: whilst the concept of 'democracy' is ancient, the experience of it is young.
This is not just true for the new nations which emerged from the aftermath of World War II or the end of the Cold War, but for much of 'historic' Europe.
Even in the lifetime of my parents, the UK is the only country in Western Europe not to have experienced occupation, dictatorship, or the moral hazard of neutrality in the face of a great evil.
More than that, three now well-functioning democracies in Western Europe - Spain, Portugal and Greece - were ruled by right wing dictators until the Seventies, and nations in Eastern Europe did not even begin to establish democracies until the 1990s.
Some may call it a paradox, others an inevitable feature of imperialism, but either way, the United Kingdom preached the values of democracy at home but for two centuries was less inclined to see it practised abroad. Like any empire, many parts of the British Empire ultimately were enforced by compulsion, subjugation and down the barrel of a gun, not through the will of the people.
I use the example of my country's history to put Pakistan's own transition to democracy into perspective. It is, therefore, with humility that I make my remarks today. It took us a very long time indeed before we practised as well as preached.
Democracy and rule of law
Sometimes democracy and the rule of law may be seen by impatient leaders as an optional extra. It is not.
The truth is that among those nations which enjoy the greatest stability and long term prosperity, there is one common feature: regardless of race, religion, colour or creed, natural resources or geographical location, it is strong and effective democratic institutions underpinned by the rule of law which enhance the material and social well-being of a country and its people.
This is because true democracy is more than just a people's right to choose its leaders at the ballot box; it is a continuing experience. It gives people security by giving them control over their own lives. It is an end and the means.
To quote Prime Minister Gilani during yesterday's International Democracy Day, 'I have a strong belief that democracy is the best system that has so far been evolved in human history as it not only addresses people's concerns but also gives the opportunity to the people to freely express their will and determine their own political, economic, social and cultural systems and their full participation in all aspects of life'.
The expression of the will of the people through open and fair elections and is essential to a democracy, but so to is effective government, at all levels.
It is through effective democratic government, supported by effective public institutions, that Pakistan can meet the challenges of fighting terrorism, and further marginalising extremism in all its forms; how it can best strengthen the economy; how it can improve the health and education of its citizens.
According to the United Nations Human Development report, 'all but two of the world's richest countries [those with per capita incomes above $20,000] have the world's most democratic regimes'. It goes on to highlight that even among different countries with similar incomes, it is those which are democracies where people live longer and fewer children die. As the economist Amartya Sen has famously argued, 'No famine has ever taken place in the history of the world in a functioning democracy.'
Stability is sustained in a democracy because a free media, an active citizenry, and effective political processes do not allow governments to sit idly by in the face of injustices and popular pressure. Societies with a sovereign parliament, an independent judiciary and a people free to speak out in legitimate opposition are strengthened by such accountability, not threatened by it.
In the UK we have recently worked more thoroughly to separate the judiciary from the executive and the legislature so there can be no hint that political pressure has been brought to bear on the decisions made by the judges or in their selection. Such separation of powers brings with it the openness that a modern democracy requires if it is to operate effectively and in the confidence of the public.
My own office of Lord Chancellor has been traced back to the seventh century. It is among the most ancient roles in the United Kingdom. But it was as recently as 2005 that the Lord Chancellor combined his post as a member of the Cabinet with that of the head of the Judiciary, and the Speaker of the House of Lords, the second chamber of our Parliament. The uproar would have been extraordinary if such a constitutional anomaly had been created in 2005 rather than substantially reformed.
Now it is the Lord Chief Justice who is head of the judiciary, with an independent appointments commission responsible for the selection of judges, whilst the House of Lords elect their own Speaker.
This recent reform to an ancient office goes to show that even the most established democracies must renew their constitutional arrangements so that they continue to meet the demands and expectations of the public.
Security
Democratic institutions inevitably come under the greatest strain when the pressures on those institutions are the greatest. No greater strain arises than from the murderous, random violence which is the consequence of all terrorism. The threats from terrorism are here, there, and everywhere; and terrorist outrages are no respecter of belief or faiths, indeed are an insult to those faiths.
We each choose our own language. I prefer the word 'struggle' to 'war' to describe the response to terrorism in which all of us have to engage, for that is what it is - a struggle. And it is the people of Pakistan who are at the very the forefront of this struggle.
The United Kingdom has lost many souls at home and abroad to Al Qaeda inspired terrorism and to the Taliban; but the people of Pakistan have lost many more. In the last year alone more than a thousand people, military and civilian, have been killed, and many more injured. Pakistan bears a heavy burden and wears the scars of this struggle against terrorism.
In the United Kingdom Al-Qaeda inspired terrorism is not our first experience of this scourge. Hundreds paid with their lives in the 30 year struggle against Irish republican terrorism.
But what this recent experience tells us is that in the face of such security threats, we must stay true to our democratic principles.
I recognise that this is not easy, but it is a fallacy that security derives from acting outwith the law. We all would do well to heed the philosopher John Locke: 'where the law ends, tyranny begins'.
In 1942, the darkest year of World War II, and not long after we had weathered 'The Blitz', when Great Britain still faced an existential threat from Nazi Germany - the Law Lord, Lord Atkin [in his dissenting opinion in Liversidge v Anderson], put it this way;
'Amidst the clash of arms the laws are not silent. They may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace.'
What Lord Atkin attested was that that the law should be and ought to remain the framework of any response, especially at times of crisis.
This way a nation's values are put at the forefront of a response and not compromised in chasing the myth that democratic principles are a hindrance to a nation's security. What we have also learnt is that an effective response necessarily involves more than just the military and law enforcement.
Today 'The Troubles' in Northern Ireland are happily behind us, and the people of Northern Ireland are able to look forward to peaceful and prosperous future. That was achieved by a combination of a firm military and security response, and an increasingly effective political process. British Prime Ministers - John Major and Tony Blair in particular - dealt with men who had blood on their hands. But they were right to do so. The means were justified by the achievement of peace.
Whilst all terrorism is the same in its direct effect - the random killing and maiming of innocent civilians, and the terrorisation of whole communities, there (I accept), the similarities end. For example, the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) had clearly defined political ends, and a leadership and an associated, lawful, political party to articulate those ends.
In contrast, Al-Qaeda has no coherent or attainable political ends. The only thing they articulate is violence, the only thing they are reconciled to is division. I know of no conceivable basis on which any kind of 'negotiation' with the leadership of Al Qaeda would normally be justified.
When David Miliband was here in April he talked about the importance of reconciliation with those who are willing to be reconciled. Reconciliation does not mean creating a haven for terrorists - quite the reverse. It means establishing a dialogue with those who are prepared to renounce violence and participate in due democratic processes.
That has been the lesson of Northern Ireland, and that was the lesson of the 18th February. If you give people voice through democracy, those who oppose it can be marginalised.
This can help challenge the conditions of social acceptance, even tolerance, which allow Al-Qaeda and the Taliban operate in some areas of the North-West Frontier Province, the Tribal Areas of Pakistan, and the bordering eastern parts of Afghanistan.
In these areas, and alongside a firm security response, I believe politics - which after all is about the resolution of grievances and injustices in a way which avoids violence - has a crucial role to play in helping to improve the conditions of the people(s), and thereby helping to make the terrorists' environment much less benign. More to the point, I know that your new President Zardari, and the government of Pakistan hold this belief too.
There is now a growing understanding between ourselves and the Pakistani authorities that in the long term security does not derive from the actions of the military, the law enforcement agencies and the courts alone. This applies to Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq as it did to Northern Ireland.
A key, and growing part of any successful counter-terrorism strategy must be to prevent individuals from being drawn to violent extremism in the first instance. To do so is not to mobilise tanks, aircraft, troops - but instead to give voice to that great majority of the people who renounce terror.
I was struck, a week ago today, by the symbolism of President Karzai joining your newly sworn-in President at his first press conference: the leaders of two nations among those which have lost the most in the struggle against terrorism, and have the most to gain in working together with common purpose to end it.
I also applaud President Zardari for his promise of continuing to strengthen relations with India and his recognition of the need further to build up trust and create new ties between the two countries.
The lesson from recent European history can apply every bit as much in South Asia. Genuine peace is far more than the cessation of hostilities, but the forging of constructive and mutually beneficial relationships between a country and its neighbours.
We wholeheartedly support Pakistan's developing 'multi-pronged approach', encompassing diplomatic, economic, political and security responses.
So it heartens me that cooperation between our countries is improving in respect of all these areas. And I am sure that Prime Minister Gilani's government is as committed as Gordon Brown's to doing still more.
In July this year, our Government announced that it was doubling to £480 million support for fighting poverty over the next three years, making Pakistan the UK's second largest aid programme recipient.
This help will be targeted, in cooperation with the Pakistani authorities, where it is needed most, particularly in the border areas - helping more children get an education, improving health, tackling preventable diseases like TB and polio - to help Pakistan to achieve its goals.
I am here to play my part as Justice Secretary, and it is why my colleagues from across Her Majesty's Government - the Foreign Secretary, the Defence Secretary, the International Development Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Communities Secretary all have visited in recent months.
We must recognise our responsibility to you, and yours to us - for we face many of the same threats.
For Pakistan's security is Britain's security; as Britain's is Pakistan's.
Living bridge
This increasing sense of partnership is critical to all our interests because there is a living bridge between our two countries, in the shape of the 1 million British citizens and their families of Pakistani descent.
Such strong family and cultural ties between our two countries - rooted as they are in a long, shared history - enrich us both. In politics, education, medicine, sport, the arts people of Pakistani origin are an important and established part of British life.
From Amir Khan in boxing to James Caan in business, from Owais Shar in the England cricket team, to Sarfraz Manzoor in journalism British Pakistanis are hugely successful. We are enormously admiring of such achievement, and of Britons who are comfortable with and proud of their Pakistani heritage.
In the realm of British politics, the four Members of Parliament of Pakistani heritage [Shahid Malik (Dewsbury), Sadiq Khan (Tooting), Mohammad Sarwar (Glasgow, Central) and Khalid Mahmood (Birmingham, Petty Barr)] - two of whom are ministers - bear testimony to the influence of the Pakistani community on our country. But the strength of this living bridge is such that I hear Pakistani politics debated every bit as much as British politics on the streets of Blackburn.
Not surprising given the 1.4 million journeys made between Pakistan and the UK each year for tourism, to visit families, for business - helping people to stay in touch with their kith and kin, their culture and their heritage.
Pakistan-UK trade ties are strong and growing. £1.9 billion worth of trade flowed between the two countries in 2006, whilst the UK is Pakistan's third largest trading partner. Around 80 UK companies are currently doing business in Pakistan, evidence of their confidence in Pakistan's economic potential. Large British banks are increasingly looking to success in Pakistan: Barclays Bank opened its first three branches in the country - one here in Islamabad - just last month.
Pakistani people have made and continue to make an enormous and invaluable contribution to all walks of life in the UK.
British Pakistanis are where Britain and Pakistan intersect. Their success shows that these two identities can and do thrive in the same place and in the same person.
Conclusion
I do not for one moment underestimate the challenges Pakistan faces, in its transition to democracy, in the face of terrorism, in strengthening the economy and its international ties.
And I hope that the Pakistani people continue to find the strength to keep moving forward, even when you have already come so far. I can offer you the hand of support and friendship of the United Kingdom to help you on your way. But ultimately how far you progress it is not in anyone's gift but yours.
As with so many things, I think it is William Shakespeare - perhaps the most cherished poet and playwright in the English language - who has put it most elegantly: 'Our remedies oft in ourselves do lieWhich we ascribe to heaven.' (
All's Well That Ends Well)
As all of you know better than me, the remedy lies with the Pakistani people - your future is yours to determine. Progress, stability, security can only be achieved through the expression of your will and resolve.
Let this year which began in mourning, end in celebration.
Let the decade which began with much hope, end with a lasting transition to democracy.
Thank you and Ramadan Mubarak.
The good news of the week is about strategic thinking and strategic planning at IIUI. For those who know about the functions, procedures and decision making processes of IIUI, this is a breaking news and to be candid, somewhat difficult to digest as well! In IIUI everything is tactical and adhoc and we hardly see "policies" determining "actions" of administration and faculty. Though strategic planning is increasingly becoming a buzz word in IIUI's day to day business life but hardly anyone knows about the scope and implications of strategic planning. We have read about the latest movement in this regard and this time a new team is leading this process. Previously, we have seen many unsuccessful attempts towards building a long term strategic vision of IIUI and the last initiative was during Dr. Ghazi's tenure when Mr. Athar Zaidi was entrusted with this task and he was trying to fix faculty members through his innovative means, of course with the support of some faculty members too! Even before that another imported talent in the university (Dr. S M Hasan) was responsible for this task but we could not see any outcome.
